Wednesday, March 30, 2011

Valley of despair: We want an Islamic state

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Sixty five protestors killed, more than 3,000 agitators and 2,500 security personnel injured, general strike and curfew for more than two months, businesses and shops shut, banks closed, hotels empty. This might not seem unusual in a state where more than 1 lakh people have been killed since 1989. Nothing is abnormal in an abnormal state. But what is indeed unusual is the longstanding ostrich-like attitude of New Delhi, no matter which party is in power. There is a problem in Kashmir and this needs to be acknowledged first. Only then can one start working at a resolution. And the solution, it is obvious, is not in managing the situation by sending in more and more security forces. Even the Centre has admitted that there is little militancy in the Valley except in the Baramulla and Kupwara sectors which border Pakistan-occupied Kashmir. But there are roughly 7,00,000 armed security forces personnel in the Valley. And still, places in the Valley erupt every now and then in the name of the Quit J&K Movement. We visit the Sher-e-Kashmir Institute of Medical Sciences (SKIMS) where the injured are rushed in by groups of youths every now and then. The usual quiet of the hospital corridor is suddenly broken with cries for independence like Hume kya chahiye... azadi/Bharat ka gundagardi nehi chalega.

Dr Reyaz Ahmed tells us, 'This is a tertiary care referral hospital and we have already treated over 400 cases of bullet injuries. Most patients were hit in the head or upper torso.' We meet 20-year-old Sumera Dabloo who went to rescue her father hit by a bullet. She was herself hit in the chest by two bullets. We come across a 24-year-old Tariq Ahmed on life support. He has a bullet in his arm and has received severe head injuries. His uncle, Mohammad Amin, says, 'The local hospital in Tral was ransacked by CRPF men. Tariq was helping the injured when he was shot at and beaten up.'

The roads of downtown Srinagar are deserted with security forces in every nook and corner, the Valley resembles a beautiful prison. The generation of Kashmiri youths who are pelting stones is an abnormal one. They are mostly born after 1989, they have seen militants and forces all around, guns blazing, blasts ripping off bodies. Their reaction to situations is abnormal. 'When the police starts firing, people generally run away. In Kashmir, they come closer,' says a top state police official, himself a Kashmiri Muslim, on the condition of anonymity. We will call him X for future reference.

Prabhakar Tripathy, commanding officer, 117 Battalion CRPF and PRO, CRPF (Kashmir), confirms, 'They have no fear. They try to snatch our guns. Very often, there is no choice but to open fire.' Valley of despair We ask both X and Tripathy that why do stones need to be answered by live ammunition. X says, 'It is not that simple and innocuous. These people pelt stones to kill you. It is not easy being a policeman on these streets.' Tripathy points to the thousands of rounds of rubber bullets and tear gas shells fired. 'If you compare the situation, you will see the forces have acted with great restraint,' he adds.

But clearly people in the Valley are not impressed with this restraint. Let's hear from Syed Ali Shah Geelani, the foremost leader of the separatist movement and chairman of the Hurriyat (G): 'People are resisting the Indian military occupation of J&K. There is no legitimacy or justification for the same. Since 1952, we have had more than 130 rounds of talks and there have been no headway. For talks to be fruitful, New Delhi should accept that J&K is a disputed territory. It has to withdraw forces, withdraw Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA), Public Safety Act (PSA) and release the detainees.'

Mirwaiz Omer Farooq, chairman of Hurriyat (M), says, 'This is a spontaneous outburst of public anger brought about by decades of alienation. These youths, who are pelting stones, have been raised and brought up in conflict. After militancy erupted in 1989, people started looking at Pakistan to further the cause of freedom. That phase is also gone now. But now, they have a clear direction that they have to win their freedom themselves and they are ready to die for the same. India has to realise that it is Kashmiri nationalism at work here. New Delhi has to come out of denial. The government does not allow any demonstration and sit-ins. It has created this pressure cooker situation and hence this violent outburst.' Valley of despair Mirwaiz concedes that the pro-freedom parties have not been able to deliver in concrete terms. 'We have held dialogues with New Delhi in 2004, 2005, 2006, 2008 and 2009, we went with ideas and proposals but Delhi did not act on a single issue. People today construe dialogue as a sellout, as a ploy to buy some time. One has to understand that there can't be any lasting solution to the Kashmir problem within the Constitution of India or that of Pakistan.'

However, neither Tripathy nor X thinks that this stone pelting is a spontaneous form of outburst. Tripathy points at Intelligence intercepts from across the border complaining of no deaths for two days while reiterating that money was not a constraint. X even points out that an Opposition leader was seen unloading sacks of stones in a downtown Srinagar locality. He adds, 'One of our man in civvies followed a particular suspect who was going from one area to another on his bike to instigate youths to start pelting stones. As soon as the youths started pelting stones, he would push off. There is major money involved here.'

Conspiracy theories are galore here. Kashmir is a playground of Intelligence agencies from India, Pakistan and beyond. The 'threat note' for Sikhs has clearly unnerved the community. Jagmohan Singh Raina, chairman of the All Parties Sikh Coordination Committee, Kashmir, says, 'We are 80,000 people spread over 136 villages and towns in 8 districts. Barring 1947, when 33,000 Sikhs were killed by raiders, there has never been any problem till 2000 when in Chattisinghpora village in Anantnag district, as many as 35 Sikhs were gunned down by unidentified men wearing Indian Army uniforms. President Clinton was visiting India at that time.' Five people were then gunned down by Indian military personnel claiming them to be foreign militants responsible for the Sikh massacre. But the Justice Pandian Commission found out that the five were innocent locals and five Army officers were found guilty. Naturally, Sikhs are apprehensive as another US President is scheduled to arrive in the country. Valley of despair Kashmir seems a quagmire where New Delhi, Islamabad, separatists, militants, the state government, Opposition, security forces, Intelligence agencies, Indian and Kashmiri media - all have had their negative roles to play.

Prof. Bashir Ahmad Dabla of the Sociology department of Kashmir University points out the manner in which Sheikh Abdullah, the then Prime Minister of Kashmir, was put behind the bars in 1953 and how in the 1957 elections, 56 out of 57 constituencies were declared without holding elections. He continues, 'The 1987 elections presented the Indian government with a golden opportunity. The radical Islamic and separatist elements decided to contest the elections under the banner of the Muslim United Front. This should have been welcomed as a positive development as separatist acceptance of Indian democracy. Mohammad Yousuf Shah contested the Lal Chowk seat and was even announced as the winning candidate.

However, a minute later, Ghulam Mohiuddin Shah of the National Conference (NC) was declared the winner. The elections were massively rigged by NC with help from New Delhi. Yousuf was arrested for agitating against the unfair elections and was imprisoned for two years. Upon his release in 1989, Yousuf founded Hizbul Mujahideen and today is better known as the militant group's chief Sayeed Salahudeen. I am afraid that the current use of force on young boys, many of them school-going kids, might just ensure that the cycle of violence and counter-violence continues unabated.'

Ever since 5,00,000 people assembled on the streets of Srinagar during the Shree Amarnath Shrine Board land row, the state and the Centre have been paranoid about even allowing peaceful protests and gatherings. They are worried if the crowd takes control of the All India Radio or Doordarshan stations. Both look like fortresses or top secret nuclear installations rather than media establishments. Valley of despair The separatists, on the other hand, are all but united. While Geelani and Mirwaiz don't see eye to eye, Yasin Malik pursues his ideas. The Lone brothers have also drifted apart with Sajjad Lone, current chairman of People's Conference, trying his luck at the Lok Sabha elections from Baramulla. He however lost to the NC candidate. Aasiyeh Andrabi of Dukhtarn-i-millat advocates merger with Pakistan and a Talibani style of Islamic governance. There are roughly two dozen groups, all have different ideas. Firaq Ahmad, a shikara rower on the Dal, is scared even at the thought of azadi. 'Kashmir will witness a civil war even worse than the one experienced by Afghanistan if India were to withdraw.'

For Islamabad, Kashmir is the point of revenge for the secession of Bangladesh. Apart from supporting militant armed struggle through training, providing logistics, arms and extending moral and diplomatic support, Pakistan has carefully changed the demographics of the part of Kashmir under its control. Today, Pakistani Muslims, mainly from Punjab province, outnumber Kashmiris in PoK. In spite of the rhetoric, Islamabad is wary of a permanent solution to the part of Kashmir under Indian rule as it would put pressure on itself to act. People in the valley are fully aware of this.

There is hardly any doubt that an overwhelming majority in the Valley view both NC and PDP as stooges of New Delhi. There is a general perception that the state government is a rubber stamp for the Centre with not even the power to rein in the CRPF, let alone take big steps. Mehbooba Mufti of PDP attributes it all to NC's misgovernance, Omar Abdullah's inexperience and his disconnect with the grassroots. But the truth is that PDP was sharing power when the state had erupted over the Amarnath land row.

Another limitation to India's approach has been New Delhi's insistence to view the situation through the prism of Intelligence and security. A section of the Indian media has also been caught in the brouhaha of nationalism as espoused by New Delhi, hawkish enough to push Kashmiri media to the other extreme.

Wasim Lone, 35, is a former militant with the al-Umar Mujahideen headed by Mustaq Ahmed Zargar of the Kandahar hijack fame. Wasim is today the trusted lieutenant of separatist leader Shabir Shah. "We were young and the Indian rule was oppressive. I am afraid that the youth of today might also be forced to take to guns and make the same mistake as we did. Azadi is our dream. We must work towards it," says Wasim.

Musaib Farooq is a 19-year-old student and Tariq Wani, 33 years old, is without a job. They live in downtown and pelt security forces with stones. The fact that most stone pelters are unemployed, uneducated does not take away the fact that there are genuine grievances. New Delhi needs to look at demilitarisation of civilian areas, withdrawal of draconian acts, stop violation of human rights by forces. Most people in the Valley, barring a few handful, are aware that Pakistan is not in a position to take care of Kashmir. 'They can't even take care of themselves. They are out in the world with a begging bowl,' is the common refrain. Going with Pakistan is no longer an option here. But still, much before this latest round of trouble erupted, on January 31, 12-year-old Wamiq Farooq, the best boy of his class, died after getting hit by a tear gas shell in his head. Instances like this don't strengthen people's faith in New Delhi. It is a fact that people in the valley are angry and frustrated with India's procrastination on crucial issues. The Centre needs to make concrete concessions and needs to come down from its high horse. Unless that happens, stones will be hurled and bullets will fly. Valley of despair Aasiyeh Andrabi

'We want an Islamic state'

What is your assessment of the current situation in the Valley?

The people of J&K, specially the Muslims, have long been denied the right of self-determination by India. So since June, the people have waged the Quit J&K movement. This is a mass uprising in which the young and the old, women and children, all are taking part. Of course, India is applying brute force to quell this uprising. They are even using pellet guns which are used to target animals. Israel uses the same against Palestinian protestors.

What about Hindus who are majority in Jammu, Buddhists who are the majority in Ladakh, the Sikhs and even the Shia Muslims?

We are least concerned with non-Muslim decisions. Muslims are the majority and their decision is going to be the final one.

Suppose you get azadi. What next? Geelani wants something, Mirwaiz wants something else, Yasin Malik wants something entirely different. Where do you see your demands fitting in here?

I can't talk about Geelani or anyone else for that matter. I want accession with Pakistan. For now, our one-point agenda is freedom from India.

You are widely recognised as the most radical Islamist hardline voice of the Valley. What kind of Kashmir do you want to create?

Islam is Islam. There is only one true Islam. Inshallah, the Shariat, law of Islam, will become the law of the land too. I don't want Islamic law just for Kashmir but for the entire world. People will be more secure under Islamic law.

Will there be any place for music, cinema, art, literature in the Islamic state you wish to create?

In Quran, it is written that music is even more harmful than wine. People lose their senses when they listen to western and film music. They represent the culture of non-humans. Hollywood and Bollywood are globally responsible for criminalisation of society and other evils. So we will not allow that. There will be no place for nude and obscene painting. Literature is fine but if it criticises Islam, we won't allow it.

Do you want to follow any Islamic state as an example?

There is no ideal Islamic state. Looking at foreign policy, I will give 75 % to Iran.

You have been a supporter of armed struggle in Kashmir. But these militants have killed many innocent people in Kashmir and in the rest of India.

Today, the world knows about Kashmir because of the Mujahideen's actions. I don't believe they have killed any innocent Kashmiris. They may have killed informers of the Indian security forces. They have done the right thing.

What about the attacks in Mumbai?

The Mumbai attacks were the handiworks of Indian Intelligence and CIA.

Suppose you get the Indian part of Kashmir and the Pakistani part. How will you get the part under Chinese control?

First let's get freedom from India. We will think about China then. Valley of despair Children of conflict

Mohammad Humza Khan was one year old when his father Mohammad Kasim Khan, a Hizbul Mujahideen militant, was gunned down by security forces. Three of his maternal uncles, also with Hizbul, were also killed. Humza is 11 today and studies in a prominent private school in Srinagar. The boy from Ganderbal wants to be a doctor. Mohammad Ashraf Khan was five years old when militants barged into his Rajouri home one night. His father, Mohammad Shafiq Khan, a carpenter, and uncle Bashir Ahmad, a policeman, fell to their bullets. Ashraf is 13 now, goes to a private school in Srinagar and wants to be a doctor as well.

Both stay at the orphanage run by the J&K Ehteem Foundation in a quiet corner of the Jawaharnagar area of Srinagar. More than 50 people orphaned in the violence stay here. Humza has a faint memory of his father, there is just an old worn-out photograph of him. 'I am proud of my father and my uncles. I know they were in the right path, in the path of God and did not kill any innocent person,' he says.

Ashraf wishes militancy had not erupted in Kashmir. 'My father and uncle would have been alive had Kashmir not have been caught in this spiral of violence. I hate the Mujahideen and sometimes have the urge to kill them,' he says.

Humza, too, hates his father's killers, the Indian security forces. In effect, they hate what the other's fallen kin stood for. But they are inseparable. They are the best of friends. Some things have no explanation. Less so in Kashmir.

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